La revitalització de les grans religions : un repte per a l'autocomprensió secular de la modernitat?

Aquest text va ser publicat originàriament amb el títol: «Die Revitalisierung der Weltreligionen - Herausforderung für ein säkulares Selbstverständnis der Moderne?», a Philosophische Texte: Studienausgabe, Bd. V: Kritik der Vernunft, 2009, 387-407. Traducció de Daniel Gamper (Agraeixo les observacions pertinents de Pere Fabra a la traducció.)La vitalitat de la religió ha conduït a qüestionar la tesi que vincula la modernització i la secularització. Cal, doncs, repensar el mateix significat de la «modernitat», per tal d'adaptar- la a l'escala mundial. A l'hora de dur a terme un diàleg intercultural ja no es pot confiar en un suposat universalisme de la raó. La raó secular no pot pretendre establir els criteris de la racionalitat sense prendre en consideració també altres tradicions, com les que beuen de la religió. Es planteja, doncs, la pregunta de si el pensament postmetafísic pot aprendre alguna cosa de les tradicions religioses i si, per fer-ho, cal que s'hi relacioni de manera agnòstica.The vitality of religion has led to a questioning of the thesis linking modernization and secularization. It is therefore necessary to rethink the meaning of «modernity» itself to adapt it to the global scale. When conducting an intercultural dialogue we cannot trust in a putative universalism of reason anymore. Secular reason cannot be expected to lay down the criteria for rationality without giving due consideration to other traditions, such as those drawing form religion. The question then raises, can postmetaphysical thinking learn something from religious traditions? And in order to do it, does it need to approach them in an agnostic way

En politisk forfatning for det pluralistiske verdenssamfunnet

This article is a translation of Eine politische Verfassung für die pluralistische Weltgesellschaf which is published in Zwischen Naturalismus und Religion: philosophische Aufsäze (2005). The article deals with the project of forming a cosmopolitan order and a harmonization of national policies by agreeing upon and implementing shared global politics which require an intergovernmental coordination. This project has its origin from Hobbes and Kant, and Habermas discuss Kant"s concept of a world republic and a constitution which apply to all the citizens in the world. Habermas argues that the Kantian project must be understood in the international political situation today, and that we have to substitute the traditional and Kantian cosmopolitan ideal of a world republic by the project of a "constitutionalizationâ€? of international law. Habermas suggest that the world community need a political constitution for an emerging world society which allows for global governance without a global government. This solution Habermas denotes as a global extension of domestic politics. A presupposition for this argument is that it has been a shift that has taken place from the former national to the present post-national constellation. In order to realize this international coordination and transnational harmonization, the national states has to perceive themselves as members of an international community and to act accordingly. Such an arrangement requires first a change in the conception of state-sovereignty. Then citizens will enjoy, in addition to their national citizenship, the status of world-citizens

Sobre el nexe intern entre Estat de dret i democràcia

Habermas defensa en aquest escrit l'existència d'un nexe intern entre l'Estat de dret i la democràcia. Aquest nexe sorgeix del concepte modern de dret i del fet que el dret positiu ja no pot legitimar-se a partir d'un dret d'ordre superior. Així doncs, el dret es legitima a partir de l'autonomia que tot ciutadà té garantida, de tal manera que l'autonomia pública i la privada es pressuposen mútuament. Aquest nexe es fa visible en la dialèctica entre la concepció liberal del dret i el paradigma jurídic de l'Estat social, dialèctica que fa necessària una autocomprensió procedimental de l'Estat democràtic de dret. Finalment aquest nou paradigma jurídic procedimental és exemplificat a partir de les polítiques feministes d'emancipació.Habermas defends in this writing the existence of an interior nexus between constitutional state and democracy. This nexus arises from the modern concept of right and from the assumption, that the positive right can no longer be legitimated from a right of higher order. Therefore, the right is legitimated from the autonomy guaranteed for every citizen, so then the public and private autonomy presupposed each other. This nexus manifests itself in the dialectics between the liberal conception of right and the juridical paradigm of the social State, a dialectics which requires a procedimental selfunderstanding of the democratic State. Finally, this new juridical procedimental paradigm is illustrated by feminist politics of emancipation

¿ES POSIBLE UNA CONSTITUCIÓN POLÍTICA PARA LA SOCIEDAD MUNDIAL PLURALISTA?

The chances of the project of a “cosmopolitan order” being successful are not worse now than they were in 1945 or in 1989-90. This does not mean that the chances are good, but we should not lose sight of the scale of things. The Kantian project first became part of the political agenda with the League of Nations, in other words after more than 200 years, and the idea of a cosmopolitan order first received a lasting embodiment with the foundation of the United Nations. Since the early 1990s, the UN has gained in political significance, and has emerged as a not inconsiderable factor in world political conflicts. Even the super-power saw itself compelled to enter into confrontation with the world organization when the latter refused to provide legitimacy for a unilateral intervention. The United Nations survived the subsequent attempt to marginalize it and is now about to manage the urgently needed reform of its main body and limbs.Las posibilidades de que el proyecto de un “orden cosmopolita” tenga éxito no son menos hoy de lo que eran en 1945 o 1989-90. Esto no significa, sin embargo, que sean más; ahora bien, no deberíamos perder de vista la magnitud de las cosas. El proyecto kantiano saltó a la palestra por primera vez con la Sociedad de Naciones, es decir, más de doscientos años después de que se hubiera planteado; además, la idea de un orden cosmopolita no se plasmaría de forma duradera hasta la creación de las Naciones Unidas. Desde comienzos de los años noventa, la ONU ha ido aumentando su relevancia política y se ha erigido como un elemento muy a tener en cuenta en los conflictos políticos mundiales. Incluso la gran superpotencia se vio obligada a enfrentarse a la organización mundial cuando esta última se negó a dar legitimidad a una intervención unilateral. La ONU sobrevivió al intento posterior de marginarla, y ahora parece estar decidida a llevar a cabo las reformas necesarias y urgentes de sus principales órganos y agencias

Bravehearts and Bonny Mountainsides: Nation and History in Scottish Folk/Black Metal

Music, art, culture and leisure are elements or tools of political nationalism, of hegemonic control and of counter-hegemonic resistance. In the Scottish independence referendum, pop and rock musicians came out on either side, lending their voice, their celebrity and their music to save the United Kingdom or to support a new nation. In this paper, Scottish nationalism and Scottish identity is explored through two folk/black metal bands that have emerged on the extreme metal scene from Scotland: Saor and Cnoc An Tursa. I use an on-line semiotic analysis over a three-year period including the period of the referendum, along with an analysis of their lyrics and imagery, to show how each band has used Scottishness and responded to Scottish nationalism – and how fans have constructed Scottishness in their critical appreciation of the band’s songs and other identity-work. I argue that some progressive ideology exists, but it is situated within wider ideologies in metal, and wider assumptions about Scotland